23rd of February: not an ordinary day in Spanish history
It may be due to the fact that I have always been fond of studying facts, characters and customs of the past. It may be because the history of Spain is so interesting that there is really much to be said about it. Anyway, here I am, ready to bore you stiff with another episode of my chronicles from Spanish history. Leaving jokes aside, the inspiration for this entry came to me following an historical anniversary who has been celebrated yesterday. On the 23rd of February of 2014, that is yesterday, fell indeed the 33th anniversary of an extraordinary day, which has gone down to history as 23F. In a few words, it was a day of ordinary foolishness, as it may be defined, in which a military contingent broke into the Spanish House of Parliament, attempting to force a military golpe which only failed due to the ready intervention of the king and his collaborators and to the loyalty of most of the armed forces.
At any rate, as in any case when dealing with historic matters, we had better go by order and analyse the source of the problem. As I have explained in the entry devoted to the Spanish Constitution Day, at the end of the 1970s the country was going through a very difficult period called Transiciòn Democràtica (Democratic Transition). The dictatorship had officially ended in 1978, but Spain was not ready yet for a modern democratic system: the economic crisis which held the country in its grasp had exasperated the population, while the several terroristic acts by ETA and the difficulties in implementing the new democratic organization had created a palpable tension in the country. To make the matter worse, some fringes of the army and of the military forces still refused to conform to the democratic system. This last factor led to a series of hidden conspiracies which finally flared up at the beginning of 1981. It was a deeply delicate period for the government, whose power was faltering due to the resignation of a few ministers. A turning point was reached at the beginning of February, where the prime minister in charge, Adolfo Suarez, also resigned, and Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo was appointed as the new prime minister. On the 23rd of February he was supposed to submit his government to a vote of confidence which, however, was not to be carried out.
About twenty minutes through the vote, indeed, a group of policemen from the national force, called Guardia Civil, broke into the Parliament at the orders of the lieutenant coronel Antonio Tejero, who shouted "¡Quieto todo el mundo!" (Be quiet everybody) and ordered the members of Parliament to lay down on the ground. At the refusal of most of them and facing the reaction of the vice-president of the government, he fired some shots, immediately imitated by some of his fellows. Finally, most of the MPs could not help but complying with the order, though a few of them (among which the highest members of the government) still refused to do so. The whole scene of the assault was recorded by a TV operator, who was in the room to broadcast the vote for the government. That is the reason why it is now possible to watch the video of that incredible moment (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hVHu3m-4keo).
Few minutes later the situation hit bottom: while five MPs, among which Suarez, were separated from the others, the second part of the plan was carried out by the golpistas. In Valencia, indeed, the captain of the local military division rose up against the authorities and took control of the city and of the port. According to the original plan, other military divisions should have joined the rebellion. Fortunately, this did not happen, partly due to the faithfulness of the other captains, partly due the immediate and decisive intervention of the king. Not only, indeed, Juan Carlos I refused to support the plan of the golpistas (who meanwhile had announced that they were going to form a new temporary government): together with his collaborators and a few loyal generals, he managed to secure the loyalty of most of the armed forces through a feverish series of meetings and phone calls.
Nevertheless, one more coup de théâtre was in store before the final solution of the military coup. One of the general who had given his external support to the golpe, Alfonso Armada, with a spectacular two-faced attitude managed to gain the confidence of the king, who sent him into the Parliament as a mediator. His ambition was that of becoming the prime minister of the new political government, putting forward a moderate tendency as an alternative to the extreme behaviour of Tejero. As the latter obviously refused to comply with the request (the idea he had in his mind was that of a government mostly composed by military generals), Armada left the Parliament with disdain and announced the failure of the mediation to the king. It was by the time about one o'clock in the morning of the 24th of February. Few minutes later, the king appeared on TV and openly condemned the attempt of golpe, calling to order the army, as it was his faculty to do being the supreme commander of the Armed Forces, and destituting Milans del Bosch, the general who had rebelled in Valencia. A few hours later, the general surrendered and was imprisoned, and though Tejero insisted in his foolish attempt until 12 o'clock, the Members of Parliament were slowly released during the morning.
Therefore, that was the end of an incredible sequence of events who led Spain again on the verge of a nightmarish military dictatorship. Though the final intervention of the king fortunately avoid worse consequence, this unsettling episode is still a clear turning point in the history of Spain. More than thirty years later, the attempt of golpe should be still regarded as the clear demonstration of the dangers of the unrestrained use of the strength in political issues, as well as of the crucial importance of developing a culture in the democratic system. All the more so if we think that such culture have been missing for a really long time in a country which has lived for almost half of the XX century under dictatorial governments.
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